Rights on the right -- Cultivating the value of rights: Evangelicals and abortion politics -- But words can never hurt me: Learning the value of free speech -- Separation tranquility: Abortion and the decline of the strict separation of church and state -- First, do no harm: Abortion and health care opposition -- Whose rights: Abortion politics, victims, and offenders in the death penalty debate -- Where's the right? What abortion taught the losers in the gay marriage debate -- Conclusion: Rights, reciprocity, and the future of conservative religious politics
AbstractFor at least the past four decades, the Christian Right's political advocacy has epitomized morality politics in the US. In recent years, however, the Christian Right has transformed how it approaches various moral and cultural issues, appealing to the language and process of political rights. This reframing of cultural concerns has coincided with the declining cultural status of conservative Christianity. This article analyzes three issue areas—abortion, free speech, and religious freedom—documenting how conservative Christianity has altered its approach to public politics, coming to embrace individual rights language and arguments over and above common morality. The article also analyzes the whether this growing rights talk has contributed to extending support to the rights of others, finding mixed results. As conservative Christians have embraced the rights commitment for themselves, there has been a corresponding growth of political tolerance for others. At the same time, there remain prominent challenges to supporting pluralistic politics. While questions about the commitment to pluralism remain, the evolution of the Christian Right's cultural style of politics has important implications, as the last vestige of communitarian politics routinely engages politics using the language of liberalism. Moral politics are now routinely rights politics.
AbstractFor the past century, the expansion of free speech rights has been the domain of liberals. Recently, however, conservatives have become advocates for expanded free speech rights. For Evangelicals Protestants, this advocacy would have been highly controversial only a generation ago, offending the base's ordered liberty sentiments. I suggest that abortion politics is a primary contributor to the evangelical free speech advocacy shift. Using a variety of data, I detail the evangelical shift toward expanded free speech by exploring the topics of radical protest, campaign finance, and obscenity. While rank-and-file evangelicals are less supportive of free speech than the general-public, elites have routinely used abortion politics to frame the shift toward individual free speech rights. Elites have diverged from their constituents to support a higher-priority issue (abortion), and the constituents have been supportive. Abortion politics has come to dominate evangelical advocacy decisions and has cultivated an evangelical rights culture.
AbstractBetween the late 1970s and early 1990s, the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC) altered its First Amendment advocacy, shifting from being an ardent supporter of the strict separation of church and state to being a champion of the government accommodation of religion. At the same time, the denomination also became unswervingly pro-life. In this article, I use the SBC case to identify a previously under-analyzed link between abortion politics and church-state politics. I suggest that pro-life politics played an important role in the SBC's shift away from the separation of church and state. I focus on three areas where abortion politics aided this shift: (1) opposing separationists' assertions that anti-abortion policies violated the Establishment Clause; (2) becoming allies rather than foes with Catholics; and (3) promoting a greater emphasis on the free exercise of religion. I conclude by discussing the implications for the relationship between religion, law, and politics.
At the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, scholars predicted that this transboundary crisis would cause enormous change and disruption, not only to global health but also to many areas of productivity, including academic life (Donina and Antonowicz 2022; Lewis 2021; Witze 2020). Although the impact has been widespread and devastating to public health, it has not triggered the dramatic changes to the academy that might have been predicted, particularly in the areas of scholarship.
Despite the theoretical centrality of associational life in interest group formation, there is little research to assess it. We seek such a contribution by analyzing how the social environment affects the individual group joining process. We promote a two-pronged explanation, drawing upon the nature of both associations and individual associational ties. Specifically, we examine the twin forces of solidarity and discord that constrain and expand, respectively, information acquisition within two associational types, using survey data clustered by congregations and neighborhoods. In congregations, we find meaningful variance across social contexts in the available group information, which affects group knowledge and membership. As unstructured social environments, neighborhoods lack the organizational structure to spread group learning and participation. While these results generally confirm the pluralist framework, they highlight the multilevel forces that fuel the chaotic connection of citizens with organized interests.
